The Plight of “Elephant” :
@ 2002 by Peter Brush
The Ho Chi Minh Trail was
built to ensure the flow of men and supplies from north to south. It always ran
through the heart of the war in
Movement down The Trail slowed and stopped in the mid 1950s,
only to resume at the end of the decade when
This area of
BV-33 increasingly found itself sitting on an island in the
middle of hostile, NVA-controlled territory. From 1961-65 the garrison was
supplied from the west by Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) contract airplanes.
By 1966 this became too risky as the North Vietnamese moved more antiaircraft
weapons into
Always the war went on. All sides increased their forces on
the battlefields in the South. By the beginning of 1968,
For many years the Americans also monitored traffic on the
Ho Chi Minh Trail. In 1962 a U. S.
Army Special Forces “A” Team drove up from
In mid-1967, Communist leaders in Hanoi gave their approval for a plan to launch a general offensive-general uprising. In October they decided to launch during the 1968 Tet holiday. In December the central military commission established a military command for the Route 9-Tri Thien Front, which included the area around Khe Sanh. The goal of the Route 9 Front during Tet was to destroy American forces and give support to the attack on Hue. NVA military strength was substantial and included four infantry divisions, one independent infantry regiment, five artillery regiments, three anti-aircraft regiments, four battalions of tanks, one battalion of engineers, and a number of local troops. Success of the plan depended on secrecy.[10]
Both sides considered the Laotian forces of BV-33 at Ban Houei Sane an important part of the allied intelligence gathering effort. In the summer of 1967 U.S. commanders planned to deploy long-range 175mm guns at Khe Sanh. The purpose of these guns included firing support for U.S. reconnaissance teams operating in Laos and for the support of BV-33. In the fall the South Vietnamese Strategic Technical Directorate made plans to send ARVN commandos to the area around Ban Houei Sane. Neither plan came to fruition. On January 21, 1968, the North Vietnamese Army began their attacks on Khe Sanh. As part of this effort, General Tran Qui Hai, the NVA commander of the at Khe Sanh Front, decided to put BV-33 out of the trail watching business. During the night of January 23, three battalions of the 24th Regiment, 304th NVA Division (veterans of Dien Bien Phu), backed by tanks, struck Ban Houei Sane.[11]
The U.S. 7th Air Force Tactical Air Control Center in Saigon was responsible for aerial monitoring of the Khe Sanh area battlefield. In support of this mission, Forward Air Controllers (FACs) flew out of Da Nang and Ubon Air Bases to report on “all routes and trails leading into the Khe Sanh area.” FAC pilots were familiar with BV-33. They often landed at the camp’s small airstrip in order to visit with RLG Lieutenant Colonel Soulang Phetsampou, BV-33 commander, and his people. The FAC radio call sign for BV-33 was “Elephant” (some writers refer to BV-33 incorrectly as the “Royal Laotian Elephant Battalion”). Details of the NVA attack on BV-33 are sketchy. The best descriptions are provided by USAF Capt. Charles Rushford and other FACs who did their best to provide close air support to the Laotians under attack. [12]
For the NVA, bad weather was a good time to launch an attack; it restricted the ability of the Americans to provide air support. The weather at Ban Houei Sane during the early morning of January 24 was low overcast up to around 2,000 or 3,000 feet. A flareship tried to light up the battlefield as seven North Vietnamese tanks plus infantry forced their way through minefields surrounding BV-33’s position. LtCol. Soulang (“Elephant”) contacted the FAC circling overhead, shouted the NVA had breached the outer base perimeter and requested air strikes on the attacking enemy. The FAC was unable to coordinate strikes visually. All strikes had to be directed by the Marine radar bombing system located at Khe Sanh Combat Base. The FAC received coordinates from Elephant and relayed them to the Airborne Command and Control Center (ABCCC) orbiting the battlefield area at a higher elevation. The ABCCC relayed the data to Khe Sanh. This system proved too cumbersome to be effective. The NVA were moving too rapidly to be targeted accurately by Khe Sanh radar. The FACs controlled two B-57 loaded with napalm. The bombers were unable to drop because ground targets could not be identified.
“We just had to sit up there, rather frustrated, and TPQ [Khe Sanh ground directed radar] to help them out. Just before dawn, Elephant reported that they were being overrun. I could hear the machine guns and mortars in the background as he talked rather sadly over the radio . . . .” [13]
After three hours of
fighting, the BV-33 commander informed the Americans the enemy had overwhelmed
his position. He decided to abandon his command post. Elephant contacted the Special Forces
camp at Lang Vei by radio and requested helicopters be sent to evacuate his people.
Helicopters were unavailable. The Laotians decided to move eastward down Route
9 in an attempt to reach Lang Vei, just over the border in South Vietnam. With
the dawn the Laotians set out on foot. The group included 276 soldiers of
BV-33, about 200 Meo troops, and 2,300 civilian refugees, some of whom were
wives and children of the Laotian soldiers. At least 46 Laotians were taken
prisoner by the NVA. Halfway to Lang Vei Elephant again requested helicopter
support. An affirmative reply was given but no helicopters came. The column
continued walking on Route 9. The weather cleared enough for the FACs to see
the battle area. U.S. attack aircraft hit the abandoned command post in order
to destroy any Communist forces loitering at Ban Houei Sane. Another FAC
followed the progress of the Laotians on the ground, calling in strikes on a
bridge after they had crossed in order to discourage NVA pursuit. The BV-33
airfield was struck hard. The Air Force decided it should be kept knocked out
in order to ensure the North Vietnamese did not use if to launch air attacks
against Khe Sanh.[14]
The ragged band crossed the
border into South Vietnam and proceed another mile to Lang Vei. Special Forces
Lieutenant Paul Longgear spotted the lead elements and greeted the Lao officer
who appeared to be in charge. The Laotian wore tiger-striped trousers, a
camouflaged shirt with American airborne wings with ranger tab, and carried a
Soviet AK-47 rifle. “Who are you?” asked Longgear.[15]
Although allies, the Americans did not fully trust the soldiers of BV-33. In
fact, one Special Forces soldier, Sergeant Bill Steptoe, felt BV-33 troops were
playing both sides of the fence. In 1966, Steptoe’s troops spotted what
they thought were Russians, Chinese, and North Vietnamese right around BV-33
positions.[16]
Against the pleas of the
Laotian lieutenant, Montagnard mercenaries working for the Green Berets
disarmed the soldiers from Elephant as they arrived (the weapons were later
returned). LtCol. Soulang described how his unit had been overrun in a battle
with the North Vietnamese less than ten miles away. Soulang’s claim that
tanks led the attack was met with disbelief by the Americans, who wondered why
the Laotians’ weapons were so clean if they had fought the NVA. The FACs
had made no mention of tanks, and tanks had never been used previously by the
NVA.
The camp at Lang Vei was
too small to hold the new arrivals. William Sullivan, U.S. ambassador to Laos,
decided they should stay put, that evacuation would be militarily difficult given
the tactical situation and their transfer to Khe Sanh would attract unwanted
attention from the press. Soulang was told to move his people into defensive
positions a thousand meters north of the Americans. No arms, ammunition,
clothing, or entrenching tools to improve their positions were provided. The
civilians were herded to a separate location about 800 meters to the east, just
off Route 9.
BV-33 soldiers subsequently
patrolled around Lang Vei with American Special Forces.[17]
Later on January 24 a FAC spotted five tanks within five kilometers of the
border. Air strikes destroyed one and two were seen moving west down Route 9,
using trees for cover.[18]
On January 30, NVA Private Luong Dinh Du walked pass sleeping Montagnard guards
and surrendered to the Americans. When asked about tanks, Luong claimed he had
heard the clanking of tracks but had not seen tanks personally. Their
skepticism evaporating, the Americans requested air delivery of a hundred LAWs,
light anti-tank weapons. A few were test fired. Camp defenses were improved.
The NVA continued shelling Khe Sanh. With increasing intensity, mortar rounds
began falling on Lang Vei.[19]
The radio call sign for the
Lang Vei Special Forces Camp was “Spunky Hanson.” Shortly after
midnight on February 7, Lang Vei reported it was under attack from “a
large enemy force supported by tanks and flame throwers.” Again, the
weather was bad. Spunky Hanson spoke to the FAC flying overhead:
We
have tanks in the area! We have tanks in the area! I have one tank on top of my
TOC at this time, there’s another tank trying to enter the gate, coming
into the compound, and I think there’s another one coming down the road.
Forget about the one on top of the TOC, but see if you can hit the one coming
through the gate, and the one coming down the road! [20]
That was the last contact
between the FAC and Spunky Hanson. By dawn the enemy had overrun the camp,
trapping the Special Forces in their command bunker. A Special Forces NCO
assigned to BV-33, Sergeant First Class
Eugene Ashley, urged the Laotians to attempt a rescue, but they were pinned
down by NVA machine gun fire. LtCol. Soulang initially refused to become
involved but finally relented under Ashley’s insistence. Two platoons
were assigned to assist the Americans. The BV-33 soldiers were reluctant to
advance against the NVA; after closing in, they broke and ran. Sgt. Ashley
claimed he practically had to threaten the Laotians with his weapon in order to
get them to rally. Five times this force tried to make its way into the camp at
Lang Vei. On the fifth try Ashley was killed (he was awarded a posthumous Medal
of Honor).[21]
The Air Force delivered
explosive bombs, napalm, and 20mm cannon fire against the enemy in an attempt
to break up the assault. A 50-man Special Forces relief force was sent by
helicopter from Khe Sanh with orders to link up with BV-33 and make a raid on
the camp. Friendly forces from within the camp escaped from their the command
bunker and took evasive action. The Khe Sanh relief force landed at the BV-33
site about 0500 hours and moved toward the Special Forces compound, linking up
with the Americans who had escaped. Rallying occurred at the BV-33 compound,
the sole friendly position in the area not under NVA attack. The Americans were
evacuated by helicopter to Khe Sanh. At 0530 hours, LtCol. Soulang requested
helicopter evacuation. Aircraft sufficient to move 40 Laotians arrived. Having
lost 26 soldiers to NVA fire and U.S. air strikes, the Laotians decided it was
time to leave Lang Vei. Soulang and part of the group began the eight kilometer
walk down Route 9 to the Marine base at Khe Sanh. Others decided to return to
Laos.[22]
Many of this latter group made their way back to friendly lines; some made
contact with U.S. personnel in Laos.
Soulang, his men, and their
camp followers were right to have a feeling of déjà vu as they
approached the American base at Khe Sanh. The Laotian troops and refugees (by
now including Vietnamese Montagnards from the immediate area) posed a huge
problem for U.S. commanders. The NVA might use them as a shield to attack the
base, or may have planted agents among the crowds. There was insufficient air
transport to bring food to them, or fly them to Laos. When the colonel and 74
of his men arrived at Khe Sanh they were disarmed and put into craters outside
the perimeter, guarded by Marines. No food was issued. Soulang complained his
people were being treated more like prisoners of war than allies. Although
their weapons were returned on February 8, hey were still not allowed inside the
base. The NVA continued to attack with rockets, artillery and mortars. The
Laotian refugees “feared that they would die at Khe Sanh and preferred to
die in Laos rather than Vietnam.”[23]
On February 10 they started back down Route 9 toward Laos, from whence they
came. Many were killed or forced into labor by the NVA. Some simply
disappeared.
The next day LtCol. Soulang
and 113 of his men were flown to Da Nang aboard a C-130. Again they were
disarmed by the Americans, but this time they were given food and clothing by
Air Force personnel. From Da Nang Soulang and some of his officers flew to
Saigon. At the Laotian embassy arrangements were made for repatriation to Laos.
On February 15 the remaining men of BV-33 flew to Savannakhet via Royal Laotian
Air Force C-47 transport.[24]
Although the Laotians were
gone, the North Vietnamese, South Vietnamese, and Americans continued to fight
at Khe Sanh for many weeks. Thousands died. But that is another story.
Peter Brush
408 St. Francis Avenue
Nashville, TN 37205
For additional reading, see
Warren A. Trest, Khe Sanh (Operation Niagra) 22 January – 31 March (Christiansburg, VA : Dalley Book Service, 1997).
John Prados and Ray Stubbe,
Valley of Decision (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1991
[1] Ken Conboy with James Morrison, Shadow War (Boulder, CO: Paladin Press, 1995), pp. 115-116.
[2] Oudone Sananikone, The Royal Lao Army and U.S. Army Advice and Support (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Army Center of Military History, 1981), p. 129.
[3] Soutchay Vongsavanh, RLG Military Operations and Activities in the Laotian Panhandle (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Army Center of Military History, 1981), p. 35.
[4] Conboy, Ibid.
[5] Conboy, p. 187.
[6] Michael Clodfelter, Vietnam in Military Statistics, (Jefferson, NC: McFarland), 1995), p. 121.
[7] Warren A. Trest, Khe Sanh (Operation Niagra) 22 January – 31 March (Christiansburg, VA : Dalley Book Service, 1997), p. 3. Originally published as a classified report by HQ PACAF, Directorate, Tactical Evaluation, CHECO Division, ca 1968.
[8] John Prados and Ray Stubbe, Valley of Decision (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1991), p. 18.
[9] Ibid., pp. 13-15, 53, 55.
[10] Ang Cheng Guan, “Khe Sanh – from the Perspective of the North Vietnamese Communists” in War in History, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2001, pp. 90-92.
[11] John Prados, The Blood Road : the Ho Chi Minh Trail and the Vietnam War (NY: Wiley, 1999), pp. 245-246.
[12] Trest, pp. 9, 15-24, 32-24, 39-41.
[13] Trest, pp. 15-16. This section is based on interviews with FACs who witnessed the battle area from above.
[14] Trest, pp. 23-24.
[15] David B. Stockwell, Tanks in the Wire (NY: Jove Books, 1990), pp. 3-4.
[16] Prados and Stubbe, p. 55.
[17] Ibid., pp. 272-273. Trest, p. 17.
[18] Ray Stubbe, Khe Sanh (unpublished manuscript, 1989), p. 399. Valley of Decision (see note 8) is based largely on information in this manuscript, given to me by Ray Stubbe.
[19] Stockwell, pp. 6-9.
[20] Trest, pp. 30-31.
[21] Stockwell, p. 107. Trest, 33. Prados and Stubbe, p. 334.
[22] Prados and Stubbe, pp. 336-339. Trest, p. 41.
[23] Trest, p. 40.
[24] Prados and Stubbe, p. 338.